Narwhal (Monodon monoceros) COSEWIC assessment and status report: chapter 9

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Special Significance of the Species

Narwhals historically provided important staples in the traditional subsistence economy of the eastern Canadian Arctic and Greenland, and the hunt itself and the sharing of its proceeds continue to be of great nutritional, social and cultural significance for some communities (Brody 1976; Reeves 1992a, 1992b, 1993a; Remnant and Thomas 1992; Thomsen 1993; Reeves and Heide-Jørgensen1994; Stewart et al. 1995; Gonzalez 2001; Richard 2001). The large quantities of edible skin (10%), meat (25%), and oil (30-35% blubber) could sustain people and dogs in good health for a relatively long period (Mansfield et al. 1975; Reeves 1992a, 1992b, 1993a). Sinews were used for sewing thread, skin for laces, and tusks for tent poles, walking sticks, and the manufacture of hunting implements.

Today narwhals are hunted mainly for their ivory and skin (known variously as maqtaq, maktaq, muktaaq, and muktuk); the meat is seldom eaten if other meat is available, but is fed to dogs (Reeves 1992a, 1992b, 1993a, 1993b; Stewart et al. 1995; Gonzalez 2001; Richard 2001). Maqtaq is a highly valued food that in addition to its protein and caloric value is rich in vitamin C, zinc, retinol, and other essential nutrients (Geraci and Smith 1979; Kinloch et al. 1992; Wagemann et al. 1996). It is consumed locally or traded to other Inuit communities (Reeves 1993a, 1993b). Inuit prefer the maqtaq from young (black) narwhals, but all maqtaq is eaten (Reeves 1992a).

The ivory tusk of males is a valuable economic commodity and an important source of cash income for some coastal communities (Reeves 1992a, 1992b; Gonzalez 2001). The international value of the tusk gives hunters a strong incentive to hunt males with large tusks. This can strongly influence the nature and intensity of the hunt. A ban on the importation of narwhal ivory by the European Economic Community (EEC) caused the price of narwhal ivory to plummet in 1983/84, but it has since recovered due to the strong demand for narwhal ivory in Japan. Market interventions and price instability have had serious ramifications for Inuit communities in the past and are likely to affect the cost and rewards of narwhal hunting in the future as well (Reeves 1992b).

Prices paid to Arctic Bay hunters for both maqtaq and ivory approximately doubled between 1975 and 1990 (Reeves 1992a, 1993a). This price surge appears to have been driven by export demand in Iqaluit, where local hunting cannot satisfy the demand for maqtaq, and by the willingness of Arctic Bay residents to buy maqtaq rather than rely on traditional caching and sharing arrangements. If it is correct to assume, as the Government of Canada has done, that narwhal hunting is primarily a food quest and that ivory is only a by-product (Yaremchuk and Wong 1989), then the demand for maqtaq may ultimately be a more critical factor when considering narwhal conservation (Reeves 1993b).

The narwhal also has special significance to the broader world community. Ecologically it is important as the only species in its’ genus, as a key link in the Arctic food chain between Arctic cod and humans or killer whales, and for its ability to inhabit frigid Arctic waters and dive to great depths. It generates avid public interest because of its unique “unicorn” tusk and remote habit, particularly as it has not been successfully displayed in captivity. Its tusk has also been used to make handicrafts and, in the orient, for traditional medicine.